Thursday, December 16, 2010

Pedro Espada and Son Indicted on Charges of Embezzling $500K

?Pedro Espada Jr., 57, the outgoing Bronx state senator, Democrat, sushi-lover, has been indicted along with his son, Pedro Gautier Espada, on federal charges of embezzling more than $500,000 from their nonprofit, the Soundview HealthCare Network, reports the New York Times City Room blog.

Soundview gets more than $1 million each year from the U.S. government and "millions more in Medicare and Medicaid reimbursement." Along with five other counts of embezzlement and theft, the Espadas have been charged with "conspiring to steal government funds." The Daily News says they're expected to surrender tomorrow in federal court.

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Team Pegasus Loses Financial Backing and Pro Continental Team Status

Pegasus Sports, the company behind the pro cycling Team Pegasus, earlier today reported that it has been notified by its principal financial backer of the fact that financial support for the Pegasus Sports Professional Cycling project has been retracted.

As a result of these changed circumstances, Team Pegasus was not granted a Professional Continental license by the UCI Licensing Commission as expected last Friday. The UCI Licensing Commission has, however, granted Pegasus Sports and its licence application an extension until Wednesday, December 15, 2010.

According to a team spokesman, Pegasus Sports is currently working with a number of parties to secure the necessary funding to guarantee the project's future and ensure that the UCI's requirements for a Professional Continental license are met in accordance with the UCI's revised timeline.

"The current reports by some media outlets that the team has [already] folded are not correct,"? Pegasus Sports CEO Chris White commented.

"I have not spoken to any of these media outlets and what is being currently reported is false and most detrimental to a very exciting project. All people associated with the Team [Pegasus] are aware of the true circumstances and we continue to work towards meeting the UCI deadline," White concluded.

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But Really, Is It Okay for Men to Cry?: A Retrospective

?Following House Speaker-designate John Boehner's Sir-Weeps-a-Lot moment on 60 Minutes recently, along with the salty, flowing waves of 2010 man-tears (including Charlie Rangel's please don't censure me sobs and Chris Brown's spontaneous waterworks at a Michael Jackson tribute), the Today Show is once again bringing to the forefront the question: "Is it OK for men to cry in public these days?" (FYI: 58% of their pollsters say yes, if it's sincere).

And yet, this intriguing query seems so familiar.

Way back in 1998, Jet asked "Is it OK for strong men to cry?" and answered "Men who are definitely masculine and strong in their identity [examples: Michael Jordan, Ving Rhames, and even the "eccentric" Dennis Rodman] are in touch with their emotions and are not afraid to shed tears; they know that it will not distract from their masculinity."

In 2005, a post on Urban Grounds reflecting on Senator Tom Coburn's tears during his Senate hearing speech to confirm Judge John Roberts to the Supreme Court (and the desire of another blogger to slap him in the face and yell, "You can act like a man") deemed it okay for a man to cry during President Reagan's funeral, taps, U.S. Olympic Hockey Team wins, and a few other things.

In 2007, the UK's Sunday Times noted "It's Okay for Men to Cry." And, in fact, that while "new research suggests a change in attitudes toward men who cry in public," it's actually less okay for women.

In 2008, the Art of Manliness blog pronounced it okay for men to cry while watching Old Yeller (and a few other tearjerkers, like Brian's Song and Rudy), as well as while seeing their beloved vehicle totaled, but not okay to cry when they don't get their way, or during Beaches, or when someone really needs them not to.

In 2009, Good Morning America asked, inspired by the epic weepiness of Bachelor bachelor Jason Mesnick, "When is it OK for men to cry?" They don't ever really get to an answer, but there's this money quote, from a researcher: "Men report crying less often than women, so you know there must be something really the matter if a man cries."

And so on. This has been going on for years.

If indeed there's a perk to Boehner crying at the drop of a hat, it's that perhaps he will help put an end this whole weird freaked-out-about-gender-roles-but-pretending-not-to-be crying-in-public debate by taking it off the table -- certainly that "less often than women" argument no longer holds true in his case.

Our view: At the end of the day, it's just as okay for men to cry as women to cry. And it's probably healthy, to some degree, to let out all those pent-up feelings somewhere. But imagine Nancy Pelosi, or your coworker, or that girl you date, crying in public when someone brought up schoolchildren. You'd think she was off her rocker. And probably infertile. Plus, crying isn't even fun. Try boxing!

The key learning here is that it's not just who's crying, or what gender they are -- it's why they're crying. A death of a pet or a human, your son telling he loves you for the first time (watch the clip below; skip to the Jon Hamm part), an amputated limb, your house burns down, you find out your favorite delivery place is closed when you're really hungover, or some other grand travesty, like war, or even a grand salvation, like being pushed out of the path of a speeding bus before it hits you -- fine for tears. Weddings are a gray area. Baby births are probably okay.

But do we really want it to be okay for everyone to be crying in public all the time? This is why we didn't take a job in daycare. For less dramatic events than the above, man or woman, consider grinning and bearing it, or self-medicating through the pain. (Ladies, don't ever blame public tears on PMS, for all of our sakes.)

And "public," that's really the rub: It's most importantly where you're crying. Do it behind locked doors or in your shower with the water running, and not on 60 Minutes. No one will be any the wiser. Except for the news outlets, who will suddenly be very upset that this debate is finally over, once they have a slow news day and realize it.

Addendum: If you're going to cry like Democratic presidential candidate Senator Edmund Muskie after the press called his wife a cussy drinker, don't claim the face wets are from snow. Be a man: Own it!

[JDoll][@thisisjendoll]

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Wednesday, December 15, 2010

UCI President Pat McQuaid Comments on Alberto Contador Case and Says EPO Bans Should Be 4 Years

The president of cycling's governing body renewed his call for stiffer penalties for EPO use while insisting that cycling is the cleanest of sports.

International Cycling Union President Pat McQuaid told the French L'Equipe newspaper on Monday that he supports doubling the length of suspensions for first-time offenders who test positive for EPO from two years to four. He also said that Alberto Contador's (Team Saxo Bank-SunGard) doping case won't be resolved before the end of the year.

"Personally, I'm in favor of increasing the length of the suspension," said McQuaid, who backed the tougher punishments in a previous interview last month. "There should be a four-year ban for those who take EPO."

"We're going to propose that soon to the national federations and they will need to be on the same line as us."

The Spanish cycling federation is set to determine whether Contador is banned for two years after testing positive for clenbuterol during his victory in this year's Tour de France. Contador, a three-time Tour champion, blames contaminated meat for his positive test.

"At the end of August, along with WADA, we gave Contador the chance to explain himself," McQuaid said. "Twenty-four hours later, he told us this story of the contaminated meat. We asked experts to conduct a study to see if his version is credible. There won't be a decision before the end of the year."

Clenbuterol is a banned muscle-building and weight-loss steroid.

McQuaid also spoke about the possibility of handing reduced suspensions to riders caught using "lighter" substances.

"We should make a difference between light and heavy products," McQuaid said. "EPO is serious, that should be a four-year ban. Ventolin, for example, could be six or nine months."

In claiming that cycling is the cleanest of all sports, McQuaid said that most riders are not taking performance enhancing substances.

"Through our biological passport [program], we have noticed that the parameters were improving," McQuaid said. "Most of the riders are clean."

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Nat Hentoff's Role in the Pentagon Papers

?Clip Job: an excerpt every day from the Voice archives.
June 24, 1971, Vol. XVI, No. 25

U.S. v. N.Y. Times v. Zion v. Earth
By Nat Hentoff

As has been noted in the Washington Post, among other places, I printed the only pre-publication reference to the New York Times' story on the secret Pentagon history of the American involvementt in Vietnam. I can't, however, claim any credit for "investigative reporting" in this instance because the information was given to me without my having to search it out or, for that matter, without my having previously known there was anything to search out.

In running that short report in the May 20 Voice, I quite willingly allowed myself to be used as a spur.

The source of my information knew that a number of Times editors read the column I write for The Voice, particularly when it concerns the press. He was concerned that an evidently extraordinary story which had been worked on in secrecy by a Times team at the Hilton might not run. Or it might be thoroughly diluted before it was allowed to run. Accordingly, he hoped an indication here that someone outside knew there was a story might help spring it loose.

I don't know whether my tipping that story did help accelerate its release, although my source says it did. In any case, there had certainly been an internal debate at the Times concerning the story. My information from several sources, is that publisher Arthur Ochs Sulzberger was initially quite cool to the idea of printing it.

I am also told that this time -- unlike his attitude immediately prior to the decimating of the Bay of Pigs story -- James Reston argued for publication of the Pentagon report. Apparently Sulzberger came to recognize, as he told the New York Post over the weekend, that "once it was in the house, we had very little option left." The purpose of my box on the story in the May 20 Voice was to further convince him of that.

Eventually, the story of what actually happened inside the aeries of the Times before Sunday, June 13, will come out. But that sub-theme is far less important than the decision Sulzberger did make, an act that obviously assures him an important place in the history of the fight to make the press free. Great credit is also due the Washington Post, of course, for breaking its own story from the Pentagon documents when the Times had been silenced. And also to the Boston Globe.

As I write this, I don't know the final legal disposition of the cases against the Times and the Post. Nor does anyone else, since the Supreme Court is going to be the ultimate arbiter. But whatever way the decision against these two papers goes, those documents will be printed somewhere. It is impossible to lock them up again.

The ramifications of this event have only just begun to be realized -- in terms of re-defining "the national interest" as well as the "responsibilities" of the press. An unwittingly ludicrous reduction of this issue to the texture of baby food was Whitney North Seymour, Jr.'s argument for the government in U.S. District Court here Friday: "As we see it, the issue in this proceeding is a very simple one, and that is whether, when an authorized person comes into possession of documents which have been classified under lawful procedures, that person may unilaterally declassify those documents in his sole discretion."

That's the caliber of U.S Attorney you get under Nixon and Mitchell.

Judge Gurfein's opinion, worth reading in its entirety in the June 20 Times, demolishes the concept of the issue as being "very simple." But I doubt that most of the principals in this case fully recognize the depths of its significance. On Friday, for example, Judge Gurfein suggested that the Times and the Washington Post might sit down with the Department of Justice to screen the documents "as a matter of simple patriotism to determine whether the publication of any of them is not dangerous to the national security."

Consider the assumptions in that quotation.

What is "simple patriotism" these days?

And, after Nuremberg, is "national security the deciding test? What if the security of the rest of the world depends on breaching American "national security"? of the existence of Pentagon plans, let us say, for a "protective reaction" nuclear strike against China. But what if these plans are only options, among others? Should not the citizens of this country and the rest of the world nonetheless the possibilities of their annihilation? No matter what he classification of such documents is.

When any war can become a nuclear war, are all American "war secrets" (whatever that may mean) immune to exposure by a press that considers itself free? Put another way, now that we live in a time when a full-scale war, if it breaks out, will allow no time for publication of anything, including "war secrets," what is the responsibility of the Times and the rest of the media concerning what the Pentagon and the White House are planning militarily now?

...A subsidiary motif in this battle between the government and the press has been the rather bizarre role of Sidney Zion. A former Times specialist, and an excellent one, on law reporting, Zion fingered Daniel Ellsberg as the supplier to the Times of the Pentagon SECRET HISTORY. His forum Barry Gray's WMCA radio show.

Why did he do it? I talked with a number of journalists, here and in other parts of the country, in the next few days, and their reaction ranged from "incomprehensible" to "incredibly self-destructive ego-tripping."

My initial reaction was both anger and incomprehension. I watched Zion tell Chris Borgen on WCBS-TV: "I'm still a newspaperman and when I have a story, I give it! I don't know what else to do with it."

"Give" isn't quite the word. Zion was selling that story earlier in the week to the highest bidder among several London newspapers. The Daily Express won, and printed the piece -- without Ellsberg's name, and without Zion's by-line. The Daily Express denied to me that the piece was based on anything it had gotten from Zion; but Zion's wife, who works for the agency that sold it -- Transworld Feature Syndicate -- told me that he did indeed sell the information to the Express.

It's also of interest how Zion got on that Barry Gray show. I didn't see that part of the story in the papers, so I called Gray. According to Barry, Zion called him at about 20 minutes past 10 that night, and said: "The FBI is about to make an arrest in the New York Times case. I know who the guy is. I'd like to break the story on your program."

Gray, who had another program prepared, made room for Zion. My question: was the FBI "about to make an arrest"? If so, how come, as of this writing, June 22, no arrest has been made? How come, at the time Sid appeared on the Gray show, there were no police alerts for Ellsberg in Boston or Cambridge? I ask these questions because if Zion's rationale for his exposure of Ellsberg was that the FBI was about to move in anyway, the FBI crossed Sid up that night, the next day, and into this week.

On Saturday morning, Sid Zion returned my call of the previous day. I asked him about that ringing declaration: "When I have a story, I give it! I don't know what else to do with it." Any story? What if he knew who stole the FBI documents in Media, Pennsylvania? His answer: "I can't say what I'd do. I wouldn't know what I'd do until I knew what I had."

An honestly ambivalent answer, but inconsistent with what he had said before...

Sid came back to this line of argument when he made this basic point during our conversation: ""i'm supposed to be an immoral bastard for breaking the story, but the editors of the Washington Post and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch had assigned some of their best investigative reporters to find the guy who gave the Pentagon material to the Times. Are they immoral for having made that assignment? Are their reporters immoral for going after the story and printing it if they get it? Am I being called immoral only because I'm not in the club any more? Because I'm not on a newspaper? I broke this by myself. Suppose I'd been on the Washington Post when I broke it? Would these people have had the same reaction to what I'd done? Or, would I have been even more 'moral' if I had waited to read someone else's story on who had given the documents to the Times?"

....Every journalist, I would think, can agree on the point made by the St. Louis Dispatch as it supported the Times' printing of the "classified" documents: "It would be naive to think that behind the scenes activities depicted in the study are not continuing. In the public manifestation of the Nixon administration policies may be seen the same reluctance to negotiate, the same reliance on military power, the same temptation to broaden the war."

At the time, the press failed miserably to get the story that the Times and the Washington Post have begun to print about what was happening in those years. What about now? Is the press doing that much better? Do we have any real sense of what's going on in the Pentagon, at the White House, in Henry Kissinger's game rooms?

That is the crucially immediate question to emerge from the most vital newsbreak in many years. This is a continuing story, and who is doing basic investigative reporting on its current elements this week, this month? Or, are we going to have to wait for another delivery of secret documents five years from now?

[Each weekday morning, we post an excerpt from another issue of the Voice, going in order from our oldest archives. Visit our Clip Job archive page to see excerpts back to 1956.]

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Lenny Bruce Isn't Served By "Lenny," Nat Hentoff Says

?Clip Job: an excerpt every day from the Voice archives.
June 10, 1971, Vol. XVI, No. 23

The hunting of Lenny Bruce
By Nat Hentoff

During the first half of the play, "Lenny," I was thinking primarily of how well Lenny's material stands up. Even when someone else is doing it -- five years after Lenny's death. Even someone like Cliff Gorman who does the best he can but hasn't the slightest idea of how and why Lenny worked the way he did. Listen to Gorman in a New York Times interview: "I don't like nightclub comedians. I feel it's a sickness. Guys going on stage. Love me love me love me. It's a sick kind of need for love. Always do one more. Lenny was one step further. Hate me hate me hate me."

In terms of understanding a role, it's like asking William Rusher to play Norman Mailer.

Hell, that ex-CIA man, Ruhe, who did Lenny's act in court for the prosecution, knew more about Lenny than that. Off stand he did. Or so he told me. I wonder where Ruhe is now. Laos? Thailand? The Village? Harrisburg?

By the end of the play, I was depressed. Not so much because of the play. It's a failure, but except for the final intimations of a dead Christ on the toilet, it's not a venal failure. As John Lahr pointed out in The Voice last week, Tom O'Horgan's sensibility was entirely wrong fro the subject. But O'Horgan meant well, as did Gorman, and the playwright. Jack Kroll made a similar point in a brilliant, angry report on the movie and the play in the June 7 Newsweek. So I have little more to say about the play.

I was depressed because that night I began hearing Lenny himself again. I must have seen him in night clubs more often than I've seen anyone else, except some jazz musicians over many years. But I was remembering Lenny in the crummy hotel rooms; in the corridors of courthouses; in a marvelously heterogeneous Chinese restaurant one afternoon; trying to get into Federal Court one cold, far too bright Saturday morning ("It's my only chance to get back to work"); arguing with a scared promoter at what later became Fillmore East ("You mean you're not even going to give me back my deposit!). The last time, Lenny at the Marlton Hotel on West 8th Street, comparing barely and intermittently audible tapes with crumpled transcripts as strands of other tapes got tangled in your feet as you went from room to room trying not to upset mounds of transcripts, law books, law reviews. Lenny, by then, the True Believer in Law being put to the ultimate test of faith. If only he could get the high, the higher, the Highest Court to hear his argument, his faith would surely be redeemed. If only the Czar knew what John Murtagh was doing.

I was very fond of Lenny. Very. And I admired him because he was so conscious all the time of the need -- his need -- to be fair. In quite different ways (but maybe not so different), Lenny and A.J. Muste used to make me aware of some of my own deficiencies. Not so much ashamed of them, but aware of them. Like Lenny would not do what I'm going to do in this piece. He couldn't stay bitter for long, if at all. I usually can't either, except in rather rare instances. The hunting of Lenny Bruce is one. Among the things wrong with "Lenny," the play, is that it lets off three of the people instrumental in the destruction of Lenny -- Frank Hogan, John Murtagh, and Richard Kuh. What is burlesque farce in the play was, in life, the vicious preying on a man.

The man they drove to death was extraordinarily unmalicious, particularly for someone that hip, that knowing. And Cliff Gorman ought to get credit, as Martin Gottfried noted, for grasping "Bruce's sweetness and good nature," if little else about him. Beyond that, Lenny was able to understand a remarkably wide range of people, even those who had him in their sights.

From Martin Garbus's book, "Ready for the Defense," about Herbert Gans's testimony in the trial: "Gans testified that, according to his studies, the word 'fuck' and all its derivatives were used constantly by most men in the army, sometimes several times in one sentence and often liberally sprinkled throughout long conversations.

"Murtagh looked disbelievingly at Gans and interrupted the questioning. 'I was in the army for several years and never heard it.'

"Spectators in the courtroom laughed. Even Murtagh's fellow judges turned to look at him. Later that day, after spectators kept rushing up to Lenny and saying Murtagh's words were lies, Lenny said to me, "Everyone thinks he's lying. But they're wrong. He probably was an officer and never heard the words because he's not the kind of guy you say "fuck" in front of. He's telling the truth.' "

In the chapter "The People Against Lenny Bruce," Garbus's book has the most complete account of that trial so far. (The book, "Ready for the Defense," was published recently by Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.) Marty helped Ephraim London try the case for Lenny. Toward the end, Lenny finally, desperately, tried to be his own lawyer. I feel somewhat guilty about all of that. I had recommended Ephraim London to Lenny at the beginning. My impression grew, along with Lenny's that while Ephraim is superb before higher courts (he is one of the two or three most successful freedom-of-artistic-expression lawyers in the country), he did not have the temperament for the kind of fight that was necessary to win -- and admittedly the odds were very long -- in the lower court before Murtagh and the other two judges. But Lenny knew he had to win in that lower court or he would be destroyed. Economically, and then in spirit. He was right. The two-to-one decision against him by Murtagh's court was not reversed by the appellate term until February 1968, nearly four years after Lenny's arrest and almost two years after his death. (The decision was two to one.) If I had to do it over again, Lenny, I would send you to a lawyer I didn't know then -- Jeremiah Gutman.

Anyway, it's all in Garbus's book -- like the reasons, in temperament and in politics, for Frank Hogan's near-obsession with prosecuting Bruce. It went on past Lenny's death. Hogan appealed the reversal of Murtagh's decision to the New York Court of Appeals, and in January 1970, Lenny was again vindicated, this time by a six-to-one vote. Lenny wasn't around for that celebration either.

Hogan-the-hunter, from Garbus's book: "...he found that most of the young lawyers in his office were opposed to the prosecution. Jerry Harris, in charge of obscenity prosecutions in Manhattan, was assigned to try the case." Harris heard Inspector Ruhe's tapes of Lenny, and refused. But Hogan wouldn't let up. "Several lawyers in the Rackets and Homicide Bureaus were asked, but they all refused."

Hogan, however, found his man: Richard Kuh. The savagery of Kuh's prosecution is also made clear in Garbus's book. But it was more than savagery. Kuh, the protector of The People against the immorality of Lenny Bruce, tried to win by any means necessary. From the Garbus book: "Kuh tried to establish that Hentoff was not to be believed because he had written favorable articles about an 'ex-convict.' The ex-convict turned out to be A.J. Muste." (As I brought out in court -- N.H.)

At the sentencing: "The most important words that can be said to the court at the sentencing are the words of the prosecutor. The state was brutal. Kuh spoke: 'First as to the defendant Bruce: I'm here at the direction of the district attorney, Frank S. Hogan, and ask on behalf of the people of this county that the defendant Lenny Bruce's sentence be one of imprisonment. May I state in support of that request, if it please the court, that apart from the defendant Bruce's conduct prior to the trial, the defendant Bruce throughout the trial, and since the trial, has shown by his conduct complete lack of any remorse whatsoever.' "

Remorse! Do you have any remorse now, Mr. Kuh? Or were you just doing your job? And how you especially loved that job during the Bruce case.

Garbus also gives detailed attention to Murtagh's cold presence throughout the trial and his utter inability to understand what was at issue.

On the day the decision was to be handed down in November 1964, Lenny, now representing himself, appeared, in suit and tie, and begged Murtagh to let him put in additional evidence. Lenny wanted to testify for himself; he wanted to do his act himself. Murtagh: "The case is closed."

Lenny: "How can you decide if my act is obscene if you never saw or heard my act? All you heard was a dirty show presented by the district attorney."

And then Lenny said: "I do desperately want your respect. Don't finish me off in show business." Lenny tried to begin his act, but Murtagh cut him off, told him to be seated, and pronounced sentence.

I expect Lenny did want Murtagh's respect because Murtagh was a judge. I remember that judge, shortly after noon one day, recessed for lunch. A young man came into the courtroom for sentencing. The case had something to do with his possession of "dirty" pictures. The defendant's attorney pointed out that if the young man were jailed, he would lose his job, and of course, would be separated from his family and have a prison record for the rest of his life. Was the possession of "dirty" pictures a crime of such magnitude as to warrant a penalty of that weight?

John Murtagh, co-author of "Cast the First Stone," briskly, coldly, righteously, sent the young man to jail.

And later voted to convict that outrageous criminal, Lenny Bruce.

Like the Ancient Mariner, I shall, until I die, tell the story every few years of how my friend, a most gentle man and a terribly innocent man, was destroyed. And I shall tell of Frank Hogan, John Murtagh, and Richard Kuh.

Garbus writes: "I saw Jerry Harris, the district attorney originally assigned to the Bruce case, in 1970, after the case ended, and he told me: "I'm glad I had nothing to do with it. I saw and heard about Lenny during and after the trial. The case helped to kill and destroy him. It was terrible. Looking back on it, all those obscenity prosecutions were a waste of time. We should be doing other things. I'm glad I don't have Bruce on my conscience.' "

Don't tell me Society destroyed Lenny Bruce. That's too abstract, too easy and too meaningless. It is not Society's conscience, whatever that is, which should be troubled but rather the individual consciences of the specific perpetrators. But I do not think any of these three has ever lost any sleep over their hunting down of Lenny Bruce.

[Each weekday morning, we post an excerpt from another issue of the Voice, going in order from our oldest archives. Visit our Clip Job archive page to see excerpts back to 1956.]

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The 2010 Rightblogger War on Christmas Special -- Featuring Abortion Gift Certificates!

tomt200.jpgMerry War on Christmas! This conflict has been dragging on for years, which is not entirely a bad thing, as it has produced a thriving War on Christmas industry, which our economy desperately needs.

The opportunities for outrage this year are slim, but where there's a rightblogger, there's a way, whether via imaginary banning of the colors red and green or via Planned Parenthood gift certificates. Cover the children's ears and continue!

Canonsburg, Pennsylvania recently decided to move its traditional creche from civic to private property because someone complained. The creche was relocated four doors away. This seems only a small inconvenience; "Pa. residents to celebrate despite creche removal," reported the Lebanon Daily News.

Well, Pa. residents may be celebrating, but South Capitol Street was not. "Can't have the little liberal darling being offended," they said. "Have to ruin it for everyone else..." Radio host Dennis Miller got in on it after a caller told him the creche had been "taken down": "We can have one loser whining about the Magi visiting the kid... I say you hold a candlelight vigil outside that one person who's whined's house... make his life look as silly as he's made this one. All you losers out there..." etc.

A local radio station identified the complainant as one Megan Hartley, and Chicks on the Right reacted in Christian fashion: "Sorry about that whole not-getting-asked-to-the-prom-in-high-school thing. But it seems as though you're channeling your bitterness well." A commenter helpfully published Hartley's address and linked back to Free Republic, where posters offered their assessments of "little miss nuts" ("Getting bad vibes just reading about this freak and they got way worse upon seeing her evil face." "I bet this one is a cutter... I am wondering if she has an eating disorder too," etc). Jesus would be proud!

But they don't even need an actual outrage to be outraged.

?Last month there was a rumor -- or, as Fox Nation would have it, news -- that Heathrow Elementary School in Florida has banned the Christmas colors red and green from its classrooms.

County officials shot that story down, but who cares? Fox updated, but as we wrote this, Gateway Pundit ("Florida School Bans Christmas... And Christmas Colors") hadn't. Neither had Blue Collar Philosophy ("since Liberalism is a religion and those who believe in it cannot tolerate the one religion that exposes it, namely, Christianity"), nor Weasel Zippers ("it's come to this"), nor this guy, nor this one, etc.

Full Metal Patriot did update: "After receiving a predictable backlash from angry parents, the Seminole County Public Schools district has issued the following retraction correction... This may have been a case of the school and district doing an abrupt about-face or it may have been an individual teacher taking her authority a bit too far." Or it may have been bullshit, a possibility Full Metal Patriot did not consider.

For wider distribution, there was outrage at a show at Washington's National Portrait Gallery with lots of gay art, including a David Wojnarowicz video that included an image of ants crawling on Jesus. It wasn't a Christmas show, exactly, but it will still be running at Christmas, so Republican legislators John Boehner and Eric Cantor demanded (and got) the Wojnarowicz video pulled.

Pat Buchanan sputtered about "the kind of pictures that used to be on French postcards," though regrettably he did not link to any antique postcards of ants on Jesus. "... if there are no common standards of decency, there is no moral community, and where there is no moral community, there is no country." Others wondered why the smarty-pants Wojnarowicz (who died in 1992) didn't make fun of Mohammed instead, which would be a better way to celebrate the birth of Our Lord.

This sort of thing got some folks in a bitter mood: Jimmy Z posted a song on YouTube called "Santa is a Republican" ("His suit and hat are Red/He listens to Rush Limbaugh in his sled"). The lyrics promise that Democrats won't get any presents this year because they made Santa "drink green tea and eat granola bread" and Obama taxed him, despite lack of jurisdiction. Santa in this reading runs "a small business," and is an avid follower of U.S. politics who has Tim Kaine on his dartboard. He also "loves to feast on game he kills hunting with his gun."

"I don't give a rat's butt if you are not a Christian and don't celebrate or support Christmas," said radio host Steve Bussey. "The fact is that the overwhelming majority of Americans are and do." His headline: "It's CHRISTmas - now sit down & shut the hell up!"

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